الثورة بلشت بنفس المكان بلبنان يلي بالعادي بتبلش في : رياض الصلح ،ساحة بوسط المدينة يلي كانت الخط الفاصل بين شرق و غرب بيروت. فا بي 17 تشرين الأول، المتظاهرين تجمعوا هنيك ليحتجوا على ،فساد الحكومة والنخبة الحاكمة، البطالة ،و الطائفية، و السياية الأقتصادية السيئى. المتظاهرين كانوا بأعداد قليلة بالأول، بس نتشروا عبر البلد كلا. هذه التظاهرات كانت جداً مهمة, لأن أثرة على مناطق بالعادة بتكون غير مشاركة بل التظاهرات لبنانية. ضيع ومدن بوادي البقاع، و بمناطق سيطرة حزب الله بالجنوب كلن بلشوا يحتجوا بطريقة عفوية.بطرابلس فاجئوا الجميع، المعروفي بكونا مديني أسلامية متحفضة، صارت طرابلس قلب الثورة. المتظاهرين وقفوا البلد كلا بشكل تام. سكروا طرقان بالبلد ، خلوا التنقل شبه مستحيل. البنوك سكرت 10 أيام، والمدارس لمدة أطول. We don’t quite know how to express how incredible these protests felt to people who experienced them. It was like the whole country had a giant party to release decades of frustration. Everyone got involved, and it was incredibly spontaneous. Usually, protests are isolated to Beirut and areas often considered ‘liberal’. But these protests covered the entire country. When the protests started, Western media mostly talked about the ‘tension’ on the streets of Beirut. But for those who were there, it was a celebration. المتظاهرين عملوا كل شي ليأكدوا للعالم أنو ما بدن عنف. عملو حفلات ، وقدموا أكل ببلاش ، ونضفوا الطرقان ، وعملوا دروس يوغا بالطرقان المسكرة، وكمان عملوا صف بشري من شمال لجنوب البلد. الفيدو للمتظاهرين عم بيغنوا" القرش الصغير " لطفل بالسيارة . الأعلام الغربي وصف هذه اللحظة بي "كسر التوتر " لكن بالنسبة للناس يلي بالشارع كانت بالضبط متل ما بالعادي كانوا. عائلات مع ولاد صغار راحوا على المظاهرات وشاركوا بالأغاني. ما كان في قائد, ولا في تنظيم. بس هذه التظاهرات كانت منظمة. كانت منظمة بسنوات من الفساد يلي بتعطي الأفضلية لنخبة صغيرة من الجماعات ، وتاركين باقي الشعب بلا كهربا أو أمل لبلدن. كان في هتافيين أساسيين بالثورة أول واحد هوي " كلن يعني كلن" بتفرجي أنوا المتظاهريين مش بس غضبانيين من حزب واحد أو رجل سياسي واحد، المتظاهرين غضبانيين من كل الطبقة الحاكمة، وغيرن غضبانيين من جبران بسيل . فا التظاهرات ما كانت عن شخص سياسي واحد ، والهتاف عن جبران بسيل بيظهر كيف كل البلد متحديين بكراهية هذا الشخص يلي صار مشهور بسبب تعليقاتوا العنصرية ضد السوريين ، ولقانون العمل يلي أصدروا، يلي خلا السوريين بدون شغل ، والأعمال لبنانية بدون عمال . طريقتوا العنصرية وحدت المسيحيين والمسلميين ضدوا. The nature of the protests filled many with hope that this could remain peaceful. Protesters went to great efforts to send a good image of the protests. The country was united in anger and frustration, but it was united. And their strategies worked. أساليب المتظاهرين عطت نتيجة: البلد كانت مشلولي، والحكومة ما فيها تتجاهل هذا الشي . لتغة ضريبة الوتساب ، لكن حتى الحومة، يلي كانت بعيدة جداً عن الناس ، بيعرفوا أنوا هيدا ما بيكفي ليوقفوا التظاهرات. بعد كم يوم، اللبنانيين أجبروا ، حزب مسيحي ، على الأستقالة من الحكومة ، وبعديها ، رئيس الحكومة سعد الحريري كمان ستقال. هذا بيعني أنوا كل الحكومة ستقالة ، وصارة حكومة تصريف أعمال. So no tax on Whatsapp, and no more government. When the President Saad Al-Hariri resigned, the entire government became a caretaker government. This was seen as a huge win for the protesters, but the protests continued. They wanted to make sure that this resignation was not temporary, and not just symbolic. But the tactics changed, and life returned to some kind of normalcy. So the protesters won, kind of. But what has really changed in Lebanon? سياسياً ما تغيرت كثير، السياسين شافوا هذا الغضب الهائل من الشعب البناني كجزء أخر من لعبة القوى السياسية، وستمروا بالصراع على السلطة، ونتظروا الناس لتتعب فا بعدين بيقدروا يسرقوا السلطة والمصاري من بعضن البعض. كمان أقتصادياً ، ما تغير شي كثير. عدم وجود حكومة خلى الأقتصاد سيئ أكثر. قيمة اليرة اللبنانية انخفضة ، وهلق حويلة 50% أقل من قيمتا بهيدا الوقت مقارنتاً بالسنة الماضي . في سوق سودا كبير للدولار, والناس بلبنان عم بيعانوا من عدم رغبة الطبقة السياسية الحاكمة بعمل أي شيء لوضعن. رواتب الناس نخصمت، البنوك حطت قيود على سحب الدولار ، والأعمال سكرت. So the political elite kind of tried to wait it out, using the media to turn people against the protesters and trying to paint this along normal political divides. And the economic situation started to become really, really desperate. But while the short-term benefit may not be immediately obvious, a fundamental shift in the Lebanon psyche seemed to be taking place. بس التغيير الحقيقي بالشعب لبناني. أنا صرلي تسع سنين هون بلبنان وبهذه التظاهرات أول مرة بسمع فيها الشعب لبناني عم بيعبر عن أمل عن مستقبل بلدن. الوحدة هي شي مش معروف عن لبنان بالأعلام الغربي. لعقود من الزمن ، لبنان تقسمة من قبل سياسين يلي ستفادوا من تقسيم البلد. بس للكثير من البنانيين ، معاناة المسيحيين مثل معاناة المسلميين، و العدو الحقيقي هوي الشخص يلي قاعد بالبرلمان ، يلي عم بيستفيد من معاناة بلدن، يلي ما بحياتوا تواصل مع الشعب لبناني و يلي ما بيشاركن معاناتن. هذه التظاهرات خلت الشعب البنانيي يحسوا أنن لبنانيين ، بدل ما يحسوا أنن مسيحية أو سنة أو شيعة أو دروز. هذه أول مرة منسمع الناس بيقولوا عن حالن لبنانيين مع فخر حقيقي. هذه أول مرة شفت العلم البناني ببيروت أكثر من علم حزب الله أو علم حركة أمل أو أي علم حزب سياسي ثاني. This unity may well be short-lived, but for the optimists, could change the nature of Lebanese society. Protesters have been demanding an end to the sectarian political system that has divided and paralysed their country for decades. If the protesters actually achieve their goal, the future is anyone’s guess. A few months in to the protests, they started to be characterised by public meetings and discussions. خلال الإحتجاجات استعاد المتظاهرين ساحات ومناطق بيروت يلي بالعادة بتكون مليانة بحراس الأمن ، أكادميين و خبراء عملوا إجتماعات ليناقشوا السياسة والأقتصاد وكيف مستقبل بلدن ممكن يكون . الإحتجاجات ستمرة ، ببرنامج مختلف شوي . الناس رجعت للشغل ، بس بعطل نهاية الاسبوع رجعت تعبت الساحات بلأسواق الغير رسمية , حفلات الرقص و مجموعات من ناس عم تهتف. الإحتجاجات ستمرت لشهور ، والمحتجين صاروا أقل بمرور الوقت والأشتباكات تزايدة مع قوات الأمن. بكانون الثاني حسان دياب شكل حكومة جديدة , دكتور جامعي للهندسة من الجامعة الأمريكية في بيروت . لكن الأزمة الأقتصادية صارة أسوء. اليرة البنانية ستمرت بفقدان قيمتة ، سيطرة رأس المال جمدة النشاط الإقتصادي ، وسكرت أعمال أكثر ، وزادة البطالة. ضرب الوباء العالمي كورونا فايروس لبنان بقوة مثل بقية العالم ، مع تجميد الإقتصاد من أسابيع حتى هلق. الإقفال بيعني كمان أنو على المتظاهرين يقعدوا بيوتن. رح نحكي الحلقة الجاي عن تأثير هذا التطور الجديد على لبنان ، وخاصة على المجتمعات الضعيفة بلبنان. English Version: It started in the same place that protests in Lebanon always start: Riad el Solh, the square in Downtown that used to be the front line between East and West Beirut. On the 17th of October, protesters gathered there to protest austerity, corruption, the government and the political elite, unemployment, sectarianism, and bad economic policy. The protests were small at first, but spread across the country. These protests were really interesting, because they affected areas that are usually completely underrepresented in protests in Lebanon. Villages and cities in the mountains, in the Beqaa valley, and in the Hezbollah-controlled south all spontaneously started their own protests. Surprising everyone, Tripoli, known for being a conservative, Muslim city, became the heart of the protests. The protests brought the country to a standstill. They blocked roads across the country, making it almost impossible to travel around Lebanon. Banks closed for 10 days, and schools for even longer. We don’t quite know how to express how incredible these protests felt to people who experienced them. It was like the whole country had a giant party to release decades of frustration. Everyone got involved, and it was incredibly spontaneous. Usually, protests are isolated to Beirut and areas often considered ‘liberal’. But these protests covered the entire country. When the protests started, Western media mostly talked about the ‘tension’ on the streets of Beirut. But for those who were there, it was a celebration. The protesters did everything to make sure that the world knew that they did not want violence. They had parties, they gave out free food, they cleaned the streets, they had yoga classes on the closed roads, and they made a human chain that went from the North to the South of the country. A video of protesters singing ‘Baby Shark’ to a child in a car went viral. Western media called this moment a ‘break in the tension’ but for people on the streets this was exactly what the protests were like. Families with small children went to the protests and joined in the singing. There was no leader, and no organisation. But this protest was organised. Organised by villages, towns, cities. It was organised by years of corruption that gave wealth to a small elite group, and left the rest without electricity or hope for their country. There were two main chants of the revolution: ‘kilon yani kilon’, showing how the protesters were not just angry at one party or one politician, but the entire ruling class, and the other about Gebran Bassil. While the protests were not about one politician, the chant about Gebran Bassil showed how the entire country was united in hatred for this man who had become famous for his racist comments about Syrians, and for the labour restrictions that he introduced, which left Syrians without jobs, and Lebanese businesses without workers. His sectarian ideology united Christians and Muslims in Lebanon in anger. The nature of the protests filled many with hope that this could remain peaceful. Protesters went to great efforts to send a good image of the protests. The country was united in anger and frustration, but it was united. And their strategies worked. The tactics of the protesters worked: the country was paralysed, and the government couldn’t ignore it. The tax on Whatsapp was scrapped, but even the government, which was so out of touch with the Lebanese people, knew that this wasn’t going to be enough to stop these protests. After a few days, the Lebanese Forces, a Christian party, resigned from the government. A few days later, the Prime Minister, Saad Al-Hariri, resigned too. This meant that the entire government resigned, and became a caretaker government. So no tax on Whatsapp, and no more government. When the President Saad Al-Hariri resigned, the entire government became a caretaker government. This was seen as a huge win for the protesters, but the protests continued. They wanted to make sure that this resignation was not temporary, and not just symbolic. But the tactics changed, and life returned to some kind of normalcy. So the protesters won, kind of. But what has really changed in Lebanon? Politically, not much. Politicians mostly just saw this enormous show of anger by the Lebanese people as another piece in their game of political power. They continued fighting over power, and waited for people to get tired so that they can go back to stealing power and money from each other. Economically, not much either. The lack of a government made the economic situation more desperate. The value of the Lebanese pound fell, and is now at around 50% of its value this time last year. There is a huge black market for dollars, and people in Lebanon are suffering from the unwillingness of the ruling class to do anything about their situation. People’s salaries were cut, banks put restrictions on how many dollars can be withdrawn, and businesses closed. So the political elite kind of tried to wait it out, using the media to turn people against the protesters and trying to paint this along normal political divides. And the economic situation started to become really, really desperate. But while the short-term benefit may not be immediately obvious, a fundamental shift in the Lebanon psyche seemed to be taking place. But the real change is in Lebanese people. I was in Lebanon for almost a year and these protests were the first time I heard Lebanese people express hope for the future of their country. Unity is not something Lebanon has been known for in Western media, but in our experience this is not a true reflection of the feelings of Lebanese people. For decades, Lebanon has been divided by politicians who profited from dividing the country. But for many Lebanese people, the struggles of Christians are the same as the struggles of Muslims, and the real enemy is the one that sits in parliament, who benefits from the suffering of their country, who never speaks to Lebanese people, and who doesn’t share their struggles. These protests have made Lebanese people feel Lebanese, instead of Christian or Sunni or Shia or Druze. It was the first time we heard people call themselves Lebanese with real pride. It was the first time I saw more Lebanese flags in Beirut than Hezbollah or Amal or political party flags. This unity may well be short-lived, but for the optimists, could change the nature of Lebanese society. Protesters have been demanding an end to the sectarian political system that has divided and paralysed their country for decades. If the protesters actually achieve their goal, the future is anyone’s guess. A few months in to the protests, they started to be characterised by public meetings and discussions. Throughout the protests, the squares and the areas of Beirut usually filled with private security guards were reclaimed by protesters. Academics and experts held meetings to discuss economic policies and what the future of their country might look like. Protests continued, with slightly different schedules. People returned to work, but on evenings and weekends the squares filled again with informal markets, dance parties, and groups of people chanting. The protests continued for months, attracting smaller crowds over time, and increasingly clashing with police forces. A new government was formed in January by Hassan Diab, a professor of engineering from the American University of Beirut. But the economic crisis got worse and worse. The Lebanese pound kept losing value, capital controls froze economic activity, and more businesses closed, increasing unemployment. The global pandemic caused by coronavirus has hit Lebanon as hard as the rest of the world, with the majority of the economy frozen for weeks now. The lockdown also means that the protesters have to stay home. Our next episode will be about the impact of this new development on Lebanon, and especially on vulnerable communities in Lebanon.
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